Israeli schoolchildren at the ‘Olympiad’ in Moscow: 6 medals and big questions for those who sent them there

“There is no better way to celebrate Israel’s Independence Day!” – this is how the story begins by the Embassy of Israel in Russia on its official account on April 22, 2026. Well, what else to do on Independence Day, but to send Israeli children to Moscow? We hope they didn’t fly there through “Domodedovo”.

Israeli schoolchildren brought back 6 medals from Moscow at the “60th International Mendeleev Chemistry Olympiad”. Formally, this is a story of success, talent, and strong preparation. But for the Israeli audience, the main question here has long been not about chemistry. The main question is different: why send an Israeli delegation to an international showcase of a state that at the same time openly works against Israel, covers for Iran, attacks Israel’s position on memory and security issues, and demonstrates an increasingly harsh political tone towards the Jewish state.

The problem is not with the children. And not with their medals.

The problem is with the adults who once again decided that Israel can behave as if there is some sterile zone “outside politics,” where you can calmly take photos in Moscow, go on stage under flags, and pretend it’s only about a school Olympiad. In 2026, such logic looks not naive, but helpless.

That is why this story requires not an enthusiastic retelling, but a big and tough analysis.

What was this Olympiad and why it is not just about chemistry

The “60th International Mendeleev Chemistry Olympiad” was held in Moscow from April 15 to 23, 2026. The official website clearly states the location, dates, and program: opening, two theoretical rounds, a practical round, arbitration, closing ceremony, and departure day. It also states that schoolchildren from 37 countries participated in the competition.

On the official page with an address to the participants, it is specifically emphasized that the Olympiad was addressed by President of Russia Putin (convicted by the Hague court for kidnapping Ukrainian children), stating in particular that this event “will serve to support gifted youth, popularize chemical science, develop international humanitarian dialogue and personal contacts. I wish you success and all the best“, – a kind-hearted fellow, huh…

The text states that the competition is considered an “authoritative international educational and enlightening event,” and the anniversary Olympiad is held within the framework of the “Decade of Science and Technology in Russia” and should “serve the development of international humanitarian dialogue and personal contacts.” In other words, it was not just a series of chemistry problems. It was a state-organized “international” platform, integrated into the Russian symbolic and image framework.

Israel performed very successfully: 1 gold, 2 silver, and 3 bronze medals. The medals were awarded to …. here the reader can search the internet for who exactly – the information is available, we will not specify here – the children are not to blame for the “antics” of adults.

Photos and videos of all this are on the official “Olympiad” website – Google it!

That is why the substitution here is especially dangerous: the children indeed performed worthily, and this creates a convenient screen for adults, behind which the political cost of such a trip can be left undiscussed.

The list of countries published on the “Olympiad” website is also important for understanding the overall picture. Among the participants were:

Mordor
Russia.

Europe
Belarus, Hungary, North Macedonia.

Africa
Botswana, Cameroon, Republic of Chad, Egypt, Kenya, Nigeria, Tunisia, Uganda, Ethiopia.

Asia
Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Tajikistan, Thailand, Turkmenistan, Turkey, Uzbekistan, Vietnam, Sri Lanka.

America
Brazil, Costa Rica, Cuba, Honduras.

Middle East
Israel, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia.

The text states “37 countries,” which in itself emphasizes how important it was for the organizers to have a beautiful international picture — dozens of flags, a stage, ceremonies, a sense of global recognition.

And here arises the central nerve of the whole story. Israel did not come to a neutral private tournament. Israel came to a Moscow international showcase, which included a greeting from Putin, an emphasis on “international dialogue,” and a demonstration of Russia as a “respectable center of science.” For Moscow, this was as important as the medals themselves.

How Russia attacks Israel — and why against this backdrop the trip looks humiliating

The Israeli trip to Moscow did not happen at a neutral moment and not against the backdrop of ordinary diplomatic disagreements.

In the spring of 2026, Russia was going against Israel on several fronts: through Iran, through Lebanon, through the Holocaust theme, through Domodedovo, through pressure in the memory space, through attempts to tie even Israeli security decisions to Ukraine, and through direct intimidation of companies, including Israeli ones. Therefore, the problem here is not that the delegation simply came “to Russia.” The problem is that it came to the very Russia that in those same weeks was increasingly openly working against the Jewish state.

First of all — Iran. Moscow has long ceased to look like a cautious mediator between Jerusalem and Tehran. Russia and Iran have cemented a 20-year strategic partnership with an emphasis on security, defense, energy, transport, investment, and the nuclear sphere. This is no longer a temporary coincidence of interests, but a formalized state link between two regimes. The agreement consolidates a long-term political structure and expands cooperation in sensitive sectors.

In the spring of 2026, this link was already manifesting itself quite openly.

The Russian side described the crisis around Iran in a language where Israel and the US were portrayed as aggressors, and Iran itself as a party allegedly being pressured. At the UN platform, Moscow directly stated that it condemns “American-Israeli aggression against Iran”, and Lavrov discussed the situation with Araghchi precisely in the logic of the Russian formula of “unprovoked American-Israeli aggression.” This means a simple thing: Russia not only maintains relations with Tehran but politically covers one of the main regimes hostile to Israel.

For Israel, this is not a secondary plot. Netanyahu in April 2026 publicly stated that the Iranian regime planned another Holocaust, wanted to destroy Israel with nuclear weapons and thousands of ballistic missiles, and emphasized that the Jewish state would not allow Tehran to obtain a nuclear bomb. That is, the official Israeli view is extremely tough: Iran is a matter of survival. And that is why the whole story with the Moscow Olympiad looks especially wild.

If Iran is presented as an existential threat, then how to explain the softness towards a state that diplomatically, politically, and strategically covers Tehran?

But Moscow hit Israel not only through Iran. On April 9, Maria Zakharova condemned Israeli actions in Lebanon, calling them aggressive, dangerous for the negotiation process, and “leading to the risk of a new major escalation.” This was no longer general rhetoric about stability, but a direct official attack against Israel.

On April 21, an even more toxic blow followed — already through the Holocaust theme. After Netanyahu’s words that the Iranian threat poses a risk of a new extermination of the Jewish people, Zakharova accused him of “distorting historical facts about the Holocaust.” Here it is especially important not only the content but also the very choice of the point of attack: Moscow climbed not just into the current political dispute, but into the very Israeli historical and moral argumentation. In other words, Russia tried to teach the Jewish state how to talk about the Holocaust and its own threat of destruction.

A separate line of pressure went through an attempt to link Ukraine, Iran, Israeli security, and even internal personnel decisions in Israel into one knot.

In this construction, Moscow tried to present Ukraine as a source of threat to the region, weave Israel into this scheme, discredit the Ukrainian experience of fighting drones and missiles, and preemptively poison any cooperation that could be useful to the Jewish state itself. The task of such a campaign is not to prove, but to cause anxiety, sow distrust, and make Ukraine’s partners wary of any forms of cooperation.

This is where the story with Mossad is especially important.

After Roman Hoffman’s appointment as the new head of Mossad, the Russian agency TASS on April 14, 2026, immediately tried to link this internal personnel decision of Israel to Ukraine. The publication claimed that with his arrival, Mossad’s activities “on the Russian direction” could gain a new dimension. This is no longer a dispute over Gaza and not a polemic over Iran. This is an attempt to attach a Ukrainian label even to Israeli decisions in the field of national security and show that Moscow is already watching not only Israel’s foreign policy but also who exactly within its security contour will make decisions.

Further, the line of pressure became even tougher.

The Russian Ministry of Defense published a list of 21 enterprises in 12 countries, which are allegedly considered “legitimate military targets” due to participation in the production of components for Ukrainian drones. This list included companies from the UK, Germany, Denmark, Latvia, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Poland, the Czech Republic, Spain, Italy, Israel, and Turkey. At the same time, no specific justifications for including Israeli enterprises were provided. The meaning of such a list was quite clear: this was no longer just propaganda, but an attempt to create an atmosphere of threat, pressure on business, influence governments, and show that even Israeli companies can be publicly included in the list of “targets.” For Israel, this is already a form of external pressure on its sovereign right to decide for itself with whom and how to cooperate in the field of security.

The next plot — Domodedovo. After complaints about the treatment of Israeli citizens, the Israeli Foreign Ministry officially intervened and called such treatment “absolutely unacceptable”. But the Russian side did not smooth over the conflict, but responded in an irritated and defensive style. In the analysis of this episode, the formula about “and you have Ben-Gurion” is especially important: instead of a normal explanation, Moscow essentially translated the conversation into the old scheme “you’re the fool.” This was no longer a dry dispute about procedures, but a demonstration of attitude — a mixture of irritation, political rudeness, and unwillingness to take Israeli claims seriously.

To this was added a line of pressure through memory. In the story with “Yad Vashem,” the Russian side demonstratively climbed into the moral space that is especially sensitive for Israel. The formula “we are extremely surprised by the reaction of ‘Yad Vashem’” was accompanied by a demand “not to allow a pandemic of fascism”. In the analysis of this story, it is rightly emphasized that behind the outwardly moderate diplomatic language lies an attempt to pressure Israel through the theme of the Holocaust, memory, and moral authority. Here Moscow is not just arguing about the past. It is trying to put itself at the center of the conversation about memory and use this weight to promote its political line.

If you put it all together, the picture is extremely unpleasant.

In April 2026, Russia was going against Israel not on one topic, but on several at once: defending Iran, accusing Israel of aggression, hitting it through Lebanon, attacking Netanyahu’s words through the Holocaust theme, responding irritably about Domodedovo, pressuring through the memory space, climbing into the Mossad theme, scaring Israeli companies, and testing how much Netanyahu’s cabinet is ready to live with an eye on Russian pressure. That is why the trip of the Israeli delegation to Moscow did not look like a school event “outside politics,” but as a humiliating gesture in favor of a state that at the same time consistently worked against the Jewish state.

And it is precisely at this moment that Israel goes to Moscow for the Olympiad.

Why Israel’s participation was particularly noticeable

If you look at the list of participants and the political atmosphere itself, it becomes clear why this story is perceived in Israel not as a neutral school trip, but as another failure of instinct.

Israel turned out to be the only democracy that decided to come to Moscow for such an “international platform.”

Against the backdrop of the absence of the USA and leading Western European countries, this looked especially humiliating. Others did not go because they did not want to get dirty, did not want to participate in the Russian picture “look, they still come to us,” did not want to become part of an international scene designed to soften the image of a regime leading a destructive war against a neighboring state for the fifth year.

Here you can argue about the wording, but the overall political effect is completely clear.

This is how the main shame of this story looks: while many try to stay away from such a Moscow “celebration of science,” Israel goes there, performs, goes on stage, takes photos, and thereby helps Russia break its own isolation.

It looks especially unpleasant also because among the flags on stage and in ceremonial photos were not only the Russian and Israeli flags.

Next to them were the flags of countries that support the “Palestinian line” and in recent months have spoken out against Israel or supported demands on Gaza and “Palestinian statehood.” First of all, this is Russia, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Bangladesh, and Tunisia. The official joint statement of the foreign ministers of Turkey, Egypt, Jordan, Indonesia, Pakistan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE on April 23, 2026, directly condemned Israel’s actions in Jerusalem, supported “Palestinian” demands, and emphasized the right of the “Palestinian people” to an independent state with a capital in East Jerusalem.

That is, Israeli schoolchildren did not just receive medals.

They found themselves inside a general international picture next to the flags of states that themselves support the “pro-Palestinian agenda” and in many cases make anti-Israeli statements. For Moscow, this is the ideal scene: flags, smiles, awards, international shine — and against this background, you can pretend that there is no real toxicity.

Photos from the award ceremony in this sense say even more than texts. The Israeli flag against the backdrop of the Moscow IMChO (International Mendeleev Chemistry Olympiad, – as the name is positioned in the English-speaking space) 2026 stage is no longer just a student joy. It is a political symbol. The medals remain with the children, and the symbolic benefit goes to Moscow.

This is where NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency should ask the question that for some reason no one wanted to ask in time: why does Israel again help its hostile environment look respectable?

Who generally sends such delegations and how does this fit into Israel’s policy

This is perhaps the most unpleasant and most important question.

Trips to such international Olympiads do not arise by themselves.

The Israeli chemistry team is part of an organized national training system, and the “Mendeleev Olympiad” appears in the profile of the Israeli chemistry team as one of the “prestigious international competitions.” This means that such trips are not spontaneous decisions of parents or enthusiasts, but a certain institutional logic — from preparation and selection to participation approval.

And if the Embassy of Israel in Russia on April 22, 2026, not only knew about the trip but publicly congratulated the delegation, emphasized the outstanding result, “friendliness of participants,” “international acquaintances,” and even “pleasant impressions of Moscow” and “warm reception,” then this definitely does not look like a private initiative that passed by the state. This means that the official Israeli diplomatic body did not distance itself from this story but integrated it into a positive state narrative.

Here the question is not to the schoolchildren. And not even only to the coaches. The question is already to the Israeli line as such.

The next uncomfortable question is how such trips align with Israel’s overall policy towards Russia.

After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Israel did not join the Western sanctions package in full and generally maintained a more cautious line for many years than the USA and a significant part of Europe.

The logic of this caution may even be understandable: Syria, communication channels, the desire not to break relations completely, the attempt to maintain room for maneuver, a large Jewish diaspora in Russia, personal relationships of leaders, other…

But in 2026, this old strategy is increasingly cracking. Because Russia itself has long ceased to behave as a neutral partner that simply needs to be “not pushed.” Russia covers Iran, attacks Israel diplomatically, climbs into the Holocaust theme, is rude about Domodedovo, and uses international platforms for its own legitimization.

Hence the question arises to the head of the Israeli government – Benjamin Netanyahu.

There is no open data that the Prime Minister personally approved this school trip.

But there is another, more serious question: is there even a coherent and consistent state line on Russia in Israel, or do different levels of the system continue to live by the old inertia?

Because if the Prime Minister publicly talks about the Iranian mortal threat, if the government builds a rhetoric of strength and deterrence, and at the same time the official embassy rejoices at the medals from Moscow and the “warm reception” in a country that helps Tehran, then we are no longer dealing with subtle diplomacy, but with a split in policy.

That is why this story is not limited to the Olympiad.

It becomes a symptom of a broader problem: Israel says one thing, but does another.

It talks about toughness before Iran, but continues to behave softly towards one of its main state patrons.

It talks about morality, memory, and clarity, but itself helps hostile Moscow paint a picture of its own international normalcy.

Finally, there is another layer.

In the material about Russia’s attempts to intimidate Israel, the thesis about Mossad is important. Russia and its associated media platforms have already tried to link Israeli personnel decisions in the field of security with the Ukrainian plot and the general anti-Russian contour. That is, Moscow is already climbing not only into Israel’s policy but also into the topic of its special services, its sovereignty of decisions, its internal security architecture.

Against such a background, the trip to Moscow looks not just like a weakness. It looks like a loss of sense of proportion.

Why this is not about chemistry, but about the failure of political instinct

The most convenient defense in such cases is always the same: do not mix science with politics, do not make children hostages of adult conflicts, do not take away from schoolchildren their deserved success. On an emotional level, this defense works. But on a political level, it no longer withstands scrutiny.

Modern Russia does not separate international science, humanitarian contacts, school Olympiads, and the image of the state. On the contrary, it consciously uses such platforms as proof of its “normalcy,” its demand, and its incomplete isolation. That is why on the official Olympiad page, not only the dates and results are important, but also Putin’s address, talks about “international humanitarian dialogue,” and the description of Moscow as a “center of great science.”

That is why for the Israeli reader, this plot looks so painful.

While Russia helps Iran, attacks Israel on historical and moral topics, argues with it through the language of humiliation, and at the same time receives an Israeli delegation on its international stage, not only chemistry wins. The Russian picture wins.

Others did not go because they did not want to get dirty. Israel went.

Others did not want to help Moscow blur the image of isolation. Israel helped.

Others did not want to give the regime additional international legitimacy. Israel gave it — even in a school, even in a scientific, even in an apparently harmless format.

And this is the main shame of the story.

Six medals are an excellent result for schoolchildren. But for a state that should better understand the price of symbols, alliances, and political signals, this trip to Moscow looks like another example of confusion.

Israel once again found itself where normal democracies try not to shine.

And did it at a time when Russia is not just far from friendship with the Jewish state, but consistently works against it.

The medals will remain with the schoolchildren. And the reputational question will remain with … Israel.

And the longer the Israeli system pretends that such trips can still be separated from big politics, the more often the country will find itself in exactly such situations: when children honestly win their awards, and adults lose meaning, instinct, and dignity.

That is why it is important to analyze such topics to the end — and to monitor how they develop further.